'Ungovernable Belgium'
The Vlaams Belang will very closely monitor the Belgian EU council presidency. For the first time in the history of the EU a rotating presidency is being chaired by a resigning government. Moreover, it is very doubtful that a new government will be formed within the next six months. After the federal elections of 2007 it took nine months before a definitive government came to being. The recent elections have once more demonstrated that Flanders and Wallonia have become two different countries, each with totally different political, economic and cultural realities.
A resigning government has taken over the rotating presidency, although from a legal and political point of view such a government can in fact only manage current affairs. The programme of the Belgian presidency is integrated in that of the troika with Spain and Hungary and it was largely made up before the collapse of the federal government. Yet crises or unexpected problems can occur which demand important, controversial decisions. The current resigning government is in no way democratically legitimised to make such decisions, all the more because this government represents only 31.3 per cent of the Flemish voters. With only 72 of the 150 seats, Yves Leterme’s acting government does not even have an overall majority in the newly elected chamber.
An ungovernable Belgium will be chairing the EU. This will lead to even more federalist rhetoric. As commonly known, ‘Europe’ is considered as a magic solution to problems which can not be resolved in Belgium itself. As former prime minister
Guy Verhofstadt recently stated in the De Standaard newspaper, “Belgium traditionally is one of the countries which are prepared to go furthest in the transfer of sovereignty.” He also stated that the EU is a kind of Great Belgium. The other member states must be warned against a paralysed country that mainly wants to export its own problems to Europe. With its inherent democratic deficit and its lack of subsidiarity and accountability, Belgium epitomises what’s going wrong in the EU. For the Belgian political class a better Europe means more Europe. But according to the commission’s internal market scoreboard, Belgium, in 19th place, is one of the worst pupils in the EU’s class when it comes to transposing European rules into national legislation. As for infringement procedures, it takes a shameful 24th place. Belgium’s public debt is more than 100 per cent of its GDP.
This 12th Belgian rotating presidency will probably be the last. Belgium is in a complete political deadlock. It is not only about language and culture: Flemings and Walloons fundamentally differ on major issues such as immigration, taxation and social security. Only a velvet partition like in former Czechoslovakia can bring the Belgian deadlock to an end. Therefore, a growing number of Flemings are in favour of an independent Flemish state as a full member of the EU.
Philip Claeys, a member of parliament’s civil liberties, justice and home affairs committee
'A stable presidency'
Some circles in Europe were beset with disquiet following the resignation of the Belgian government a few weeks before it was due to take over the rotating EU council presidency. Acting prime minister Yves Leterme sought to allay concerns with his presentation to the European parliament on 7 July, saying, “Yes, a government busy with current affairs is able to lead a stable presidency with the capacity for reassuring European citizens. For many reasons. Because this presidency is the outcome of lengthy preparations and negotiations at all levels of power in Belgium and in all European circles. Because Belgium's federal structure and regional governments are still in place.
And finally, because this country, one of the founders of the Union, possesses a profound European identity and because this is not its first presidency. It is a standard bearer for European values and has experience with European circles.” This was the message from Leterme to MEPs in Strasbourg: respect for, and implementation of, the Lisbon treaty – “the whole treaty and nothing but the treaty” – recourse to the community method with the emphasis placed on social cohesion, on the environment and also on the upkeep, in Europe, of a powerful industrial sector promoted by research and new technologies. He added, “The countries that have succeeded in keeping their industries at home are those who have best succeeded in resisting the financial crisis.” The Belgian presidency has drawn lessons from the crisis: the need for stable financial regulations combined at the same time with a priority on the social concerns, on environmentally responsible growth, on the creation of jobs and combating social dumping. Budgetary strictness must not be achieved at the expense of the lifeblood, and of the dynamics, of Europe – we are dependent on these to restore confidence to our fellow citizens.
Belgium is a surrealist country, the world of Magritte and the country of smurfs. One is prompted to exclaim, as though presented with a Magritte painting: this cannot be a government that has just given up – to judge from the applause coming from both the right and from the left in the eurozone. One might almost be prompted to say the presidency of the EU council has been taken over by the smurfs. After all, my fellow countrymen maintain seriousness and self-deprecation in the same breath, and that guarantees a stock of sympathy for them. Over the months to come, however, the challenges will be major ones, both in Europe and in Belgium. The Belgian presidency has got off to a good start, but it has to keep on the right heading and resist adverse winds and tides.
Véronique De Keyser, vice-president of parliament’s S&D group
'Back to work'
Our King has a lot to do at present. Having returned from his break in the Congo, he now needs to get his feet back into both stirrups – a delicate manoeuvre, even for the best of horsemen. On the one side, he is expected to follow the formation of a new government. On the other side, our own government is launching forth into the presidency of the EU council. Of course, some people have fears about the weakness of this rotating presidency, with the protagonists effectively in an ejector seat. There are some key questions which must be addressed when looking at the role of the presidency. First, does the presidency in trio form guarantee continuity? No, it’s not enough just to have a common web address (trio.eu) to relieve one or other member of the trio from its political workload. Obviously, it might be a good thing if one could look at concluding certain dossiers in 18 months instead of six. But Belgium – as the second in the trio, and after a Spanish presidency (which for various reasons hasn’t been able to conclude some of the important dossiers) – has even more work and responsibility.
Some commentators question if the diplomats and technical experts bear the burden of most of the work. It is true that a large part of the technical preparation is carried out by diplomats and the permanent representatives, but it is not their job to motivate, arbitrate or decide. A presidency takes its strength from the engagement of ministers putting all their efforts into their specialist advice, acknowledged by their peers and justified by efforts at conciliation which might have gone awry. Others may say there is such a consensus on European questions within Belgium that they do not present a problem. There is indeed a consensus in favour of a rather more federal Europe, which has more power – that’s important. But that is as far as it goes.
Just as in France, where there is a consensus saying that Europe “is fine when it’s like France on a bigger scale”. But that kind of consensus is not much use in a rotating presidency for ministers who have to lead their councils, meet the protagonists for social issues, negotiate in the council with ministers who represent, above all, the interests of their member state. Not to mention that during his presidency the Belgian minister has Belgian interests at heart (or rather Flemish, Walloon or those in Brussels, and they are not always the same). It is of course true that there is always Herman Van Rompuy, but he is there for attending summit meetings, and especially among the summits of heads of state in which the Belgian prime minister won’t have much to say or do. Van Rompuy will not get involved in specialised or informal council meetings where our ministers are expected, or in negotiations in which the government must try to latch onto some kind of agreement, nor in processes which it is necessary to set moving outside Europe to prepare a conference like the one in Cancún.
Isabelle Durant is a member of parliament’s budgets committee
'Well organised'
The Belgian council presidency, which began on 1 July, looks set to be a particularly interesting one. It will need to secure the EU’s institutional structure, resulting from the Lisbon treaty. The preceding Spanish presidency in a sense merely covered a transition period, during which the new Lisbon system was tried out. The Spaniards did not have the occasion to fully increase their profile, instead they had to fulfil the new role. The political agreement on the European diplomatic service is just an example of how the presidency’s role will be smaller in future. Belgium, therefore, needs to settle for realising the first normal slimmed-down, low-key – but nevertheless professional – rotating presidency under the new European configuration.
The meaning of the presidency has clearly changed since the entry into force of the Lisbon treaty. Belgium will need to limit its role, be more functional instead of political, and give more room to new figures such as high representative Catherine
Ashton and Herman Van Rompuy as European council president. The latter post should offer Van Rompuy, himself a Belgian politician, the opportunity to build strong European economic governance and a solution to the economic crisis. It is also important to remember that the Belgian presidency has not only been worked out by Yves Leterme’s acting government. Within the troika, Belgium, Spain and Hungary have developed an 18-month programme, a novelty within European politics. Belgium’s presidency might be slightly different from what we have become used to for other reasons too. After the recent national parliamentary elections of 13 June a new Belgian government will probably be installed this autumn, with cabinet members who are unfamiliar with the presidency’s programme. Another problem could be that the atmosphere between the coalition partners could have deteriorated, with all coalition partners, except for one, losing in the elections. That could possibly
influence personal relationships.
However, concerns over the caretaker government's capacity to effectively chair the different council formations are most likely mere speculation. It is not the first, but the 12th time, that Belgium is heading the EU. Experienced diplomatic services have been well prepared for the shift in council chairmanship for some time. All in all, Belgium should be well organised for dealing with the hot topics of the moment, such as the EU’s financial supervisory package, or plans to reinforce the EU’s national budgetary rules. More importantly, Belgium’s institutional structure, making Flanders and Wallonia exclusively competent in certain policy areas, will have an important impact. Regional ministers will preside over a number of council formations in areas including education, sports and the environment. From a democratic point of view it is very important that the Belgian presidency will demonstrate that stateless nations with full policy competence must be heard at the European table and can defend their interests.
The economy is set to dominate the Belgian presidency’s agenda, but there are several other lingering and important issues that need to be finalised which are important to Flanders. These include – but are not limited to – a reasonable outcome to the discussion of introducing a future single EU patent, introduction of the Eurovignette, cross-border health care and the Stockholm programme. If these issues can be dealt with successfully, the presidency can have a positive effect on the EU’s host country, especially because ministers from the regional levels will be chairing several council formats. This is an important signal since Europe will be aware of the fact that regions also play a significant role in the economic recovery. A shame, then, that many large countries still find that fact a bit hard to take in.
Frieda Brepoels is a member of parliament’s foreign affairs committee
'Social values'
The Belgian Presidency of the European Union has been well prepared. The current caretaker government of Yves Leterme has the capacity to lead negotiations at the European level The programme of the Belgian presidency is the result of months of preparation involving the federal government and the governments of the regions and the communities. It takes into account the legislative program of the European commission, and has been drafted in close cooperation with our Spanish and Hungarian partners in order to build continuity in the trio presidency.
One of the first priorities is to fully implement the innovations of the Lisbon treaty. Setting up the European external action service will be a crucial contribution to building a stronger voice for the EU in world debates. Be it in the discussions of the G20, or international climate negotiations, there is a real need for a more coherent and effective European approach. Creating the European citizens’ initiative will give one million European citizens the right to call directly on the European commission to bring forward an initiative of interest to them in an area of EU competence.
The regulation of financial markets is an absolute necessity. We need to conclude the legislative work and start implementing the measures. Preparatory work has to move forward and produce concrete proposals on other important issues, such as a financial transaction tax, or the regulation of complex, speculative financial products such as credit default swaps.
Faced with the challenge of a difficult economic environment, resulting from the banking and financial crisis of 2008, Europe has to find a way out of the economic crisis and its social consequences and must rethink its global economic development strategy. We believe that European solidarity can be a powerful tool to overcome these challenges. More solidarity is needed to improve economic governance in the Euro zone and to protect it from speculative attacks.
In the framework of the Europe 2020 strategy we want to draw attention to the need for a sustainable industrial policy, in order to build a competitive and green industrial sector in Europe.
We need to recognise the economic value of our social models, because they are not an expensive luxury, as some are arguing, but a crucial element of our competitiveness. In this sense we welcome the future work on the social aspect of the
Europe 2020 strategy, particularly the objective of reducing poverty and promoting social inclusion. The Belgian presidency will encourage social convergence towards higher standards, and look for concrete progress in recognizing the specific role and contribution of general interest social services.
Belgium is a small country, but an efficient partner in Europe, well versed in the art of pragmatic compromise needed to obtain concrete progress in the complex European decision making process. I believe that with the support of all its partners, Belgium will manage to provide the EU with the presidency it needs.
Marc Tarabella is a member of parliament’s agriculture and rural development committee
'A results-driven approach'
Belgium took up the EU’s rotating presidency on 1 July with a caretaker government led by acting prime minister Yves Leterme. Ongoing coalition talks and unresolved internal issues have worried other member states and the EU’s international partners. There’s no reason, however, to doubt Belgium’s capacity to make the EU presidency a success. The country holds all the right cards for achieving the ambitious results it
set out for itself.
Belgium is one of the EU’s founding member states, a small country with a long tradition of euro-enthusiasm. Its diplomats are a very experienced lot, who have been preparing this presidency with great zeal for the last two years and who are renowned for their abilities to find compromises. The new institutional context also suits Belgium perfectly. With council president Herman Van Rompuy and high representative Catherine Ashton taking centre stage, the rotating presidency needs to take on a more discrete and cooperative role. A shoe that fits Belgium perfectly. In the coming six months we’re unlikely to see Belgian ministers seeking the spotlight with big declarations. Instead, we can expect a results-driven approach and real progress on a number of dossiers.
Belgium has set its mind on forging breakthroughs on issues as diverse as financial supervision, budgetary discipline, economic governance, climate change and foreign policy.
An absolute priority is the European summit in October when Van Rompuy will present his special task force’s report on greater budgetary discipline, measures to reduce divergence in national competitiveness levels, the establishment of a permanent crisis mechanism and measures to strengthen economic governance. If under the Belgian presidency concrete results are achieved, the EU’s economic cohesion will be strengthened, which is key to Europe’s future. Another highlight is the climate summit in Cancún in December. It will be a tough challenge to align Europe’s ambitions with the goals set out by the US and China. Belgian diplomats will need all their compromise making skills to achieve results. Belgium has also planned to play a pioneering role on sports. The Lisbon treaty has given the EU a say on sports, but the Union has yet to establish a clear role for itself. As one of its first steps, the Belgian presidency would like to ensure stricter application and, if needed, adaptation of international anti-doping rules.
Ivo Belet is a member of parliament’s industry, research and energy committee
'Good for foreign policy'
Belgium’s caretaker prime minister Yves Leterme took over the reins from his Spanish counterpart José Luis Zapatero on 1 July to lead the second EU council presidency after the ratification of the Lisbon treaty. With one of the main targets of the treaty being to bolster the EU’s ability to speak with one coherent voice in international affairs, what can we expect the Belgian presidency to achieve in this area during its six months at the helm?
Six months is virtually no time in the political process, but I expect the presidency to be good for the EU’s foreign policy. I would identify three major issues on which we can expect progress. Let me start with stating a few fundamental facts. The Lisbon treaty, contrary to occasional claims of populist slanderers, is fruitful for the EU, as essentially it provides a well needed and improved framework. It creates the posts of foreign policy high representative and chair of the European council – and it makes a clear split of the former general affairs and external relations council into two independent ones, further promoting the EU’s de facto importance in foreign affairs. Through close collaboration with the rotating presidency and the European parliament there can be increased continuity and visibility for the EU’s ambitions.
It is often said that Rome was not built in a day, and the same goes for the EU’s collective foreign policy. A project like this has to be assembled piece-by-piece, similar to a puzzle, to ensure that potential concerns of stakeholders are taken into account and that it can develop into the long-term project that it is set out to be. Being naturally at the heart of Europe, I believe Belgium is in an ideal position to continue assembling that puzzle. In addition to reinforcing the structures of the Lisbon treaty, I hope to be able to come back in December to salute the Belgian presidency for the successful implementation of three important issues. First, getting the external action service operational. Secondly, continuing negotiations for EU enlargement for official candidate countries Croatia, Iceland, Macedonia and Turkey, as well as progress on the western Balkans. And finally, putting flesh on the bones of the EU 2020 strategy. We cannot afford another 10 years of limited growth.
As we liberals have pointed out time and again – the open method of coordination, where peer pressure is supposed to encourage faltering member states to take action, has been proven not to work properly. The commission needs to be in charge of the strategy, and it needs to have concrete targets connected to sanctions if these are not fulfilled. With many other parts of the world making swift economical and societal progress, Europe cannot afford to get this wrong.
Annemie Neyts-Uyttebroeck is ELDR party president and Belgium’s minister of state
'A risky business'
There has been much discussion about the Belgian presidency although it only started on 1 July. By now I think almost every European citizen knows that some months ago we had a government crisis and that we organised elections a few weeks ago. That really isn’t so extraordinary as we are not the first country in this situation. But most remarkably, our elections have been won by a separatist party, a party that ultimately wants to split Belgium up. So no, I can’t blame people thinking that the Belgian presidency is a risky business.
But in practice, whether or not we have a caretaker government, you won’t notice any difference to our presidency. The Belgian presidency has been prepared in the smallest details by federal and regional ministers. Federal and regional because some of the competences are with the regional governments, which have not resigned, and others by the federal government as Belgium is a federal monarchy.
The presidency has set out some clear priorities that it wishes to attain. First we need to tackle the economic crisis, which is not over yet. The crisis was caused by a lack of transparency in the financial sector and the European parliament recently voted on the creation of a new architecture for financial supervision. This is a very important issue for the presidency. Belgium also argues that we need not only economic growth to overcome the crisis, but we must also create more jobs. Job creation is necessary if we want to ensure our socio-economic model and to attain the goals as set out by the EU 2020 strategy.
But we shouldn’t be satisfied by creating “just” economic growth. The EU should become a top competitive economic leader again. Therefore barriers to both the protection of innovative ideas and administrative simplification remain a challenge that the Belgian presidency intends to overcome. Therefore the protection of intellectual property and negotiations for a European patent will be priorities.
Research, development and innovation will also be treated intensively. These topics will be the subject of in-depth discussions at the December European council and are important to create a sustainable industrial policy. The presidency aims to develop a green European economy. It will maintain an integrated approach, covering all facets of innovation and targeting the needs of businesses, in the main, and those of SMEs in particular. These are just some of the issues on the presidency’s agenda. It will also facilitate the implementation of the Lisbon treaty, working to ensure the smooth application of the new measures introduced by the treaty in support of the president of the European council and the high representative. In the end, our presidency wants to strive for more Europe, an efficient and social Europe that addresses the needs of our citizens and entrepreneurs. The actual government negotiations will not, at any moment, impede this ambitious presidency.
Dirk Sterckx is a member of parliament’s transport and tourism committee
